No Babylonian captivity: Anglicanism, establishment, and the vocation of a national Church

... the supremacy of the crown must not (according to our constitution in Church and State) be considered as an arbitrary and unlimited supremacy. Everything in England is limited by law: and nothing more than the power of the sovereign. In matters of State, the power of the crown is limited by the two houses of Parliament; in the affairs of the Church, it is limited also by the two houses of Convocation. Legally and constitutionally, the sovereign, or the sovereign's government, can do nothing concerning the state of the Church, her doctrine and discipline, without first consulting the clergy in Convocation, and the laity in Parliament; so that, when we acknowledge the supremacy of the crown, we do not put our consciences under the arbitrary guidance of the sovereign or the ministry; for we know that legally nothing can be imposed upon us, but what has received the consent of our clergy and laity, as represented respectively.

E.H. Browne's An Exposition of the Thirty-Nine Articles (1854), in discussion of Article XXXVII, provided a classic High Church summary of the Royal Supremacy, not least with its emphasis on the role of Convocation as a representative body.  The Elizabeth Settlement, in other words, was no Erastian affair.

It was also a necessary check and balance to clerical authority:

It has been reasonably thought, that the supremacy of the Pope, which was suffered before the Reformation, was (to use a term growing into use) the extreme expression for the superiority of the clergy and their dominance over the laity; whereas the supremacy of the crown was the counter expression for the independence and power of the laity.

And it reflected historic norms which protected the Church's unity in the realm:

Up to the time of the Reformation, the whole nation was of one faith, and united as one Church. The Reformation did not introduce a new faith, but restored purity to the old, and removed the abuses which time had permitted. It was the work of prince, prelates, and people; and the Church, which had from the beginning been protected by the State, was protected by it still.

Browne, then, provides an apologia for the Royal Supremacy, an Old High Church account of the rationale for and coherence of an ordering of the ecclesia Anglicana which shaped and defined its historic experience.  With more than a few contemporary Anglicans embarrassed by the Royal Supremacy - we might describe this as part of "pathological reticence to take our own history seriously as a spring for inspiration" - Browne's account is a useful rebuttal of Whiggish notions that the role of the Crown and establishment was a form of 'Babylonian captivity' for Anglicanism.  

In fact, as Browne emphasises, the Royal Supremacy gave expression to and protected the rights of the national Church, balanced the rights of the clergy with the rights of the laity, and served the unity of the ecclesia Anglicana.  It was, in other words, the sine qua non for Anglicanism.

Browne does go on, however, to acknowledge the consequences of 1827-32, the undoing of the Anglican state:

We cannot question, that the relation between Church and State is now widely different from that which once existed, and that it is fraught with new dangers.

In itself this is an important admission from within the Old High Church tradition of a radically changed context.  What is particularly interesting, however, is Browne's subsequent warning.  He sees the obvious danger to the Church's witness posed by an Erastianism not intended or foreseen by the Elizabethan Settlement.  But this is not the only danger of which he warns:

Our real danger is, lest the lukewarmness of the Church lead to Erastian indifference, or her zeal degenerate into impatience, faction, or intemperance.

Here is a significant warning from the Old High Church tradition that Erastian bland liberalism was not the only danger posed by the undoing of the Anglican state. If Erastianism is Scylla, Charibdis is the embrace of sectarianism, abandoning the vocation of being a national Church.  As Nockles notes, the High Church tradition had robustly put this point in the face of a growing Tractarian mythology regarding the supposed primitive purity of Scotch and US Episcopalianism and, indeed, the Non-jurors.  It had been the Hackney Phalanx which had warned that this would "induce a sectarian spirit" and lead to marginalisation.

This is another reason to challenge a Whig interpretation approach to Royal Supremacy and establishment.  Retreat from the ethos and habits of a national Church - which had traditionally marked Anglicans even in those jurisdictions in which establishment had long ceased to be the legal order - has coincided with a rather dramatic Anglican decline in many such jurisdictions.  Even in England, where the legal order remains, a sense of embarrassment regarding establishment appears to be de rigueur, alongside the absence of any compelling theological understanding of what it is to be a national Church.

Ceasing to be national churches, abandoning the ethos and habits of national churches (for example, pastoral offices characterised by hospitality and welcome, and celebrating the sanctity and vocation of civic life), or frowning upon these habits and practices where they persist, sectarian options have been preferred, whether evangelical congregationalism, catholic sacerdotalism, or a self-proclaimed liberal prophetic role, in all of which marginalisation can be perversely welcomed as a sign of authenticity. 

Zeal has degenerated into impatience, faction, intemperance.

By contrast, the ethos, habits, and practices of a national Church are fundamental characteristics of Anglicanism, enabling it to meaningfully engage with the culture and live out the Church's mission.  As the Old High Church tradition warned, abandoning this for an ideology of anti-establishmentism has resulted in a sectarian vision of the Church, antithetical to historic Anglicanism's theology and practice, thus contributing to a marginalisation which undermines the Church's mission.

Comments

  1. Why is "sect" such a bogey word? It seems an unwillingness to be excluded from a national conversation, a desire to remain relevant out of a misguided appeal to ministry, is precisely why the COE is wracked with phenomena from gay marriage to women priests.

    The Non-Jurors is not an illegitimate expression of this concern, and is just as Anglican in vision as a pro-establishment mentality. To claim to be the catholic church in England does not mean being coterminous with a national identity. These concerns predate Tractarian flirtations with Roman doctrine and coexist with national-conformist and puritan strands, in tension, within the Reformed Church of England.

    As Neville Figgis was clear, not even in Hooker's day could the COE be said to be "the nation at prayer". I like a lot of what you write, but this is a bit far-fetched as a monopoly on the vision of what 'is' the Anglican communion. Like all communions, it's a mixed strand of various positions and influences, but sheer historicity of a movement or set of ideas doesn't tell us if it's normative or not.

    with peace,
    cal

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    1. Cal, many thanks for your comment.

      Needless to say, I disagree. 'Sect' should be a bogey word for Anglicans because a sectarian vision of the Church runs fundamentally counter to the Anglican ideal of a national Church. And the Non-Jurors certainly did evolve into a sectarian vision. The initial Non-Juror protest is understandable (even if I disagree with the action), but significant numbers of Non-Juror clergy were reconciled to the CofE in the following decades, rightly recognising that a sectarian future did not serve the Church or the Gospel. Within a short period of time, the descent into irrelevance took off amongst the Non-Jurors and, as frequently happens with small, sectarian bodies, they ended up excommunicating one another, as their small communities became evermore marginal, contributing nothing of significance to the renewal of the CofE or a Christian culture.

      What is more, it is quite clear that the Non-Juror preference for 'primitive purity in terms of having no link with the State was merely an attempt to justify their marginal existence. A successful Jacobite restoration would have quickly killed off the supposed desire for primitive purity.

      As to the relationship between establishment and Anglicanism, it is significant, not - of course - in terms of being required for an Anglican church (an obviously silly stance) but, rather, as a historically embodiment the Anglican vocation to be a national church, with the practices, habits, and ethos associated with this. This is the importance of the historical fact of establishment: not the legal status, but the practices, habit, and ethos it nurtured and which are, I would suggest, characteristic of and central to the Anglican experience.

      Brian.

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    2. The "church" and "sect" paradigm from Troeltsch isn't helpful. I suppose we're at loggerheads here because I think a church in its catholicity will always be a sect in a nation, it will always be in contest, and to pretend otherwise is self-deluding. But this is a fundamentally methodological problem: the whole dichotmy is fabricated and built on false understandings.

      You're simply wrong about the Non-Jurors. Their ideas became highly influential, not only among themselves, but for some who conformed and justified/understood the COE in different terms than High-Church Tories did (Potter's ecclesiology was not the same as Atterbury, or Gibson for that matter). Their ideas didn't appear because of the 1691 deprivations, they have roots in the experiences of the 1650s, and frustration with the intentionally clunk, and lay driven, Restoration pattern from 1662 onwards. Dodwell was writing about these problems as far back as 1670s, drawing on patristic sources and scripture to give clarity to a "primitive" vision. Unfortunately, you only find this out by reading the primary sources, as there's very little that's well done about the Non-Jurors as a movement, so I don't blame you for the stilted view.

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    3. I am not sure it helps serious debate or dialogue to, in a rather sweeping manner, to reject another view as "simply wrong". We do, indeed, fundamentally disagree about the Non-Jurors.

      My point remains. If the Glorious Revolution had failed, and James II remained on the throne, or if Jacobite restoration had occurred in 1715 or 1745, those who became Non-Jurors would not have been seeking a 'primitive' form of episcopacy and would not have rejected establishment. As with the 'Usages', the commitment to a 'primitive' form of episcopacy became a means of the Non-Jurors justifying a schism which was, increasingly, irrelevant.

      In terms of the role of the laity in the Church of England, 1660 represented a restoration of arrangements before "the late unhappy confusions". As Torrance Kirby has demonstrated, the role of the laity via Royal Supremacy and Parliament was a significant aspect of the Elizabethan Settlement, influenced by the ecclesiology of Zurich, contra Geneva. Therefore, in rejecting this, the Non-Jurors were not merely rejecting a recent state of affairs, but something quite fundamental to the post-Reformation Church of England.

      The influence of the later Non-Jurors was limited, a result of their own sectarian mentality. Early Non-Jurors did have influence, as they shared in wider Anglican debates. Perhaps nothing quite so illustrates the sectarianism than the solus consecrations to the episcopate which marked the later Non-Juror communities.

      As to the question of a supposed contrast between national church and catholicity, if I believed this I would probably stop being an Anglican. A national church is catholic in gathering up the life of the nation in prayer, sacrament, and pastoral care, an expression of, in the words of Addleshaw, "the restoration of all things in Christ".

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  2. I'd rather be blunt than polite, since your repetition of the same point is precisely why the Non-Jurors require renewed interest. Read Thorndike during the 50s, and Dodwell during the 70s, and you'll see that this was not simply a product of a James II.

    "As to the question of a supposed contrast between national church and catholicity, if I believed this I would probably stop being an Anglican."

    This is very sad to read. Arguing from this position, I don't think Anglicanism will survive another 2-3 generations.

    I'll leave off the discussion here.

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    1. Cal, yes, we do disagree. I value being polite over being blunt.

      Regarding contemporary Anglicanism and the call to be a national church, I firmly believe that our future lies with a joyful and confident retrieval of what the late John Hughes termed "Anglicanism as Integral Humanism".

      Against this, I find it very difficult to see that the model of the Non-Jurors has any contemporary significance. I do not think the future of Anglicanism lies in following the example of marginal, culturally-irrelevant bodies, characterised by mutual recriminations, further schisms, and solus consecrations, before disappearing as an ecclesial reality after less than a century.

      Thank you for your comments, for the reading recommendations (which are much appreciated), and for reading the blog.

      Brian.

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